Today's Phelps-Roper v. Strickland upholds a ban on "'picketing' or 'other protest activities,' within 300 feet of the funeral or burial service, from one hour before until one hour after the funeral or burial service." ("Other protest activities" is defined as "any action that is disruptive or undertaken to disrupt or disturb a funeral or burial service or a funeral procession.")
The court concludes that the ban is content-neutral, serves the important government interest in "protect[ing] the citizens of Ohio from disruption during the events associated with a funeral or burial service," including disruption in the sense of "unwanted communication that implicates ... privacy interests" of a "captive audience." And:
Individuals mourning the loss of a loved one share a privacy right similar to individuals in their homes or individuals entering a medical facility. Indeed, the Supreme Court has already recognized the privacy right of individuals to control the body and death images of deceased family members sufficient to prevent their disclosure under the Freedom of Information Act. See Nat’l Archives & Records Admin. v. Favish, 541 U.S. 157 (2004). In Favish, the Supreme Court held that an individual’s request for death scene photographs of a public official were protected from disclosure under Exemption 7(C) of the Act “when the family [of the decedent] objects to the release of photographs showing the condition of the body at the scene of death.” Id. at 160. The Court based its holding on cultural traditions and common law protections....
The concerns for a survivor’s rights articulated in Favish are perhaps even greater in the context of a funeral or burial service. As the Favish Court observed, burial rites implicate the most basic and universal human expression “of the respect a society shows for the deceased and for the surviving family members.” A funeral or burial service is a moment of collective, shared grief when many come to pay their final respects to the deceased and to offer comfort to one another. As such, funeral attendees “have a personal stake” in “objecting to unwarranted public exploitation that ... intrud[es] upon their own grief.” Unwanted intrusion during the last moments the mourners share with the deceased during a sacred ritual surely infringes upon the recognized right of survivors to mourn the deceased.
Furthermore, just as a resident subjected to picketing is “left with no ready means of avoiding the unwanted speech,” mourners cannot easily avoid unwanted protests without sacrificing their right to partake in the funeral or burial service. And just as “[p]ersons who [] attempt[] to enter health care facilities ... are often in particularly vulnerable physical and emotional conditions,” Hill v. Colorado, it goes without saying that funeral attendees are also emotionally vulnerable.
Phelps-Roper, however, contends that funeral attendance is voluntary and funeral attendees can merely “avert their eyes” from undesired communication to avoid funeral protests. To begin with, attendance at a funeral or burial service cannot be dismissed as nothing more than a “voluntary” activity. As Respondents assert, “deep tradition and social obligation, quite apart from the emotional support the grieving require,” compel individuals to attend a funeral or burial service. Furthermore, if individuals “want to take part in an event memorializing the deceased, they must go to the place designated for the memorial event.” Friends and family of the deceased should not be expected to opt-out from attending their loved one’s funeral or burial service. Nor can funeral attendees simply “avert their eyes” to avoid exposure to disruptive speech at a funeral or burial service. The mere presence of a protestor is sufficient to inflict the harm.
The Circuit, though, relied partly on the fact that "The Funeral Protest Provision, by its terms, does not necessarily proscribe marching or walking within the 300-foot zone," so in principle such a march would still be allowed, even during the funeral, so long as it isn't sufficiently "disrupt[ive] or disturb[ing]," whatever exactly that means.
I sympathize with the funeral attendees whom the law is aimed at protecting, but I don't think this analysis quite works.
1. To begin with, I'm not sure that the law -- as interpreted by the Sixth Circuit itself -- is in fact content-neutral. The court concludes that "The Funeral Protest Provision only restricts picketing or other protest activities that are directed at a funeral or burial service," and thus wouldn't apply to hypothetical picketing of a business near the funeral home. But that, I think, makes the law content-based, because whether a protest is "directed at a funeral or burial service" appears to refer to whether the message of the protest comments on the funeral.
If the law banned all picketing within 300 feet of the funeral where the picket line passed by the entrance, that would be a content-neutral definition of directedness, but that's pretty clear not what the law does. That's why I infer that picketing critical of the deceased that is located on a small patch of sidewalk 200 feet from the sidewalk is covered by the law. And it's covered, under the Sixth Circuit's interpretation, only because its message relates to the funeral.
2. The precedents on which the court relies upheld much narrower restrictions than the law did. Frisby only upheld a ban on picketing "before or about" the home; Madsen struck down a ban on picketing within 300 feet of an abortion provider's home; and Colorado v. Hill likewise upheld a ban that left people free to picket near the abortion clinic. (The law in Hill barred people from approaching within eight feet of someone to give them a leaflet or display a sign, but not from standing not far from the clinic with a sign.) The Sixth Circuit tries to minimize the significance of these differences, but I didn't find that part of the court's analysis persuasive -- though perhaps the court's conclusion that marches past the funeral location remain allowed by the ordinance would indeed sufficiently limit the scope of the ordinance.
For the Eighth Circuit's 2007 decision granting a preliminary injunction against a somewhat different funeral picketing ordinance, see Phelps-Roper v. Nixon. That decision seems inconsistent with the Sixth Circuit's, though there is no square circuit split yet: The Eighth Circuit held only that the Phelpsians had a fair chance of success on their First Amendment claim, and that therefore a preliminary injunction should be granted. (Some preliminary injunction decisions involve definitive rulings on certain questions of law, but the Eighth Circuit decision expressly declined to make such a definitive ruling.)
I don't have a problem with extending some type of time, place, or manner restrictions to Phelps, so long as he and his abhorrent clan have the ability to stage some type of protest, but this decision seems to take that to an entirely different level...
First, "captive audience" analysis should have little application to events held at or near public property. For instance, it could be said that the attendees at an Obama rally are a captive audience to pro-McCain protests occurring just outside the perimeter-- would any court accept this?
I realize that a funeral is a different context, but I don't want the courts doing line drawing as to what events you can picket and what events you can't.
Second, the regulation is clearly content-based. Picketing of the funeral is prohibited. Picketing something else (such as the abortion clinic across the street from the cemetery) is permitted.
Third, the intention of this law is clearly speech-suppressive. The legislature is trying to shield mourners from speech that might upset them. That's the sine qua non of a First Amendment violation.
I can't stand Fred Phelps, but as far as I can tell he has a First Amendment right to do what he does.
Nor, despite my usual sympathy towards first amendment claims of unpopular figures, I don't see a serious 1A problem at all. Anyone that wants to protest a particular action/policy/group can certainly find a more appropriate venue. Mr Phelps can join the various "pink" brigades and protest military bases all he wants or the 9/11 memorial or outside the studio where they film Queer Eye (or virtually anywhere else he likes, for that matter).
Well, you ought not to be allowed to do that either while a funeral is actually taking place. I thought respect for the dead was a universal value in western civilization (not that I don't value freedom of expression -- my posts on this blog ought to vouch for that). Making a little bit of space for a little bit of time while someone is put into the ground is not the end of free expression but it seems to me essential in preserving basic civility.
JohnO: I would be less troubled by a constitutional amendment that clearly limited itself to funeral picketing than I am by an interpretation of the First Amendment that could end up applying to things far beyond funeral picketing.
OK, but doesn't "directed at" refer to the intended audience, rather than the content? An anti-war, pro-war, or anti-alligator demonstration aimed at the people attending the funeral would all be covered, wouldn't they?
As I said, I'm a novice, but I would have thought that the "content neutral" notion was to avoid having the government choose ideas to suppress, rather than targets to protect. I suppose the argument is that protecting particular targets isn't viewpoint neutral, as with a ban on picketing churches, but since everybody dies in the end, that kind of discriminatory government motive wouldn't seem to be a concern here. I guess I'd see this as not triggering suspicion of governmental motives, sort of like "no bullhorns in residential areas after 10 p.m. or some such. Just asking.
Incidentally, my son, an army officer whose hobby seems to be observing crackpots, claims that Phelps and family don't really give a hoot about gay people; they are just lawyers trying to incite people to do things that they can then sue them for. Any truth to that, or is this just the usual anti-lawyer propaganda?
In arguing that restricting speech directed at a funeral requires us to determine whether the message of the protest comments on the funeral, I think that Eugene is mistaken. The mistake that I think he is making is a conflation of the notions "directing a message at a funeral" and "commenting on a funeral". I claim that the former does not imply the latter. For example, suppose that someone opposed to the administration's activities at Guantanamo Bay protests at a funeral attended by President Bush, loudly chanting "Close Guantanamo now!". This message is directed at the funeral, but it is not in any way a comment on the funeral. The funeral is just a convenient place at which to get near President Bush in hopes of getting his attention.
So long as the law is interpreted to ban any protest that impinges on a funeral without regard to the content of the message, it is content-neutral and not subject to strict scrutiny. If, however, the law were narrower and prohibited only protests that actually comment on the funeral, it would not be content-neutral and would be subject to strict scrutiny.
Somewhat counter-intuitive that the was to fix the 1A problem with the law is to have it suppress more speech but ultimately it makes sense.
Some of this seems to stem from the bad jurisprudence surrounding abortion protests (which, to be an equal-opportunity offender, probably came as a result of the offensive and intrusive tactics used by abortion protesters). This lends credence to EV's statement that this ruling will likely go far beyond its scope: we've already moved from abortion and medical facilities into funerals. What next? Schools? Little League games? Graduations?
Unless I'm sorely mistaken, there could be a private remedy to this. While people own a specific burial plot (or group of plots) in a cemetery, the grounds themselves (walkways, fences, etc) are not owned in a collective. If cemeteries were to be privately owned and maintained, then they could boot out any and all protesters, and plant lots of vegetation around the outside to shield perimeter plots from the sidewalk.
Oh, I'm sure his clan does indeed give a hoot about gay people -- they are the sole reason for his "church's" existence. Nonetheless, I have heard that several of his children are in fact lawyers and that a large part of their income comes from suing people who have 'assaulted" or 'battered' them. They have become very proficient in suing any person, gov't agency or organization as a means of harassement, as detailed by the local newspapers in his hometown.
He's an odious man with hateful family members, and I would think that they would have been disbarred by now. But I guess they know how to stay just this side of the law.
Lets say there is a gay Episcopalian bishop conducting a church service.
Is the Phelps gang allowed inside the church to protest?
If not, then why is the Phelps gang allowed to disrupt a funeral?
As the opinion appears to say, inter alia, this is one of those First Amendment issues where it involves not just the rights of the speaker, but the rights of the listener. Some state constitutions (Oklahoma, for example) have express protections for the rights to receive information, which also implies its converse. And let's not forget the Virginia library cases.
So if one of the bases for denying First Amendment rights to speak is the vulnerability of certain groups of listeners, why would a reasonable time-place restriction with ample alternatives not fit into that line?
It is a tough line to craft and apply appropriately, camel's nose and slippery slope, but isn't that where this case falls?
Isn't there a "fighting words" defense for assault? If so, how could any reasonable person sitting on a jury conclude that the actions taken by the Phelps mob does not fall into this category?
This reasoning allows prohibiting protests which are blasphemous.
that's why, for instance, all but the most far out civil rights advocates don't argue for a right to incest. or bestiality.
funerals are a sacred thing. to some on the extreme left, abortion is TOO, which is why protesting abortion is seen by them as something that should be prohibited (see the bans near the clinic that have been attempted as well as the vandalism of pro-life displays on campus).
simply put, any sort of protest at a funeral is seen as beyond the pale, and that's why judges etc. will go through all sorts of legal machinations to justify the banning of same.
Wot? From the Wikipedia entry on Chaplinsky (I know, I know):
If anything, that seems to support my suggestion.
PFP, that's a very broad reading of Chaplinsky. By that logic, you couldn't protest anything so long as someone was around that was willing to breach the peace in response (see EV's erudite post this month on the "Heckler's veto". A more narrow parsing puts more emphasis on the "by their very utterance" qualifier. Phelps shouting "Thank God for IEDs" does not disrupt the peace if no one responds. "You are a **** ******er and your mother is a ***** that ***** you cowardly *****", on the other hand, is in and of itself a breach of the peace, irrespective of the response.
The difference between 300 feet from an abortion provider's home and 300 feet from a soldiers' funeral? Whether the judge considering the case thinks of the soldier or the abortion provider as 'one of us' or 'one of them.'
Another thought experiment: could the Phelps folks picket and yell (i.e. disrupt) in a law professor's classroom (to make the analogy obvious, we'll stipulate that the law professor is teaching in a public university)? Once again, it comes down to psychology. Would judges consider a law professor one of 'us'? Or one of 'them'?
Exactly right.
Phelps is despised by 9999999999999% of the people in the US so a law aimed at his "church" is especially likely to be upheld, 1st Amendment or not.
National Socialist Party of America v. Village of Skokie suggests otherwise.
Not at all. It has to be something that the court will find 'by its very utterance inflicts injury' or 'tends to incite an immediate breach of the peace'. That's a lot higher standard than just any yahoo's being willing to take offense.
If EV is right that the law is "content" based because it is directed at funerals (something I question) than the speech is "directed personally against someone" (ie mourners).
1) Fred Phelps and family standing along the funeral route holding up signs saying "Thank God for IEDs".
2) A group of Patriot Guard riders standing along the funeral route holding US flags.
Both involve a public display of a message directed at the funeral service by people who are themselves not members of the service. If #1 is banned but #2 is allowed, isn't it clear that the legislation is favoring one message over another?
Nope - this is a strawman. The PGR only attend if they are INVITED GUESTS of the family so they are not engaged in "unwanted communication". However, if a bunch of uninvited folks with flags showed up, and the funeral attendees reasonably objected, the law would apply.
As a non-originalist libertarian, I have no problem with this decision. Ohio could have done better drafting, but even the loss of ALL speech "directed" to funeral attendees is no loss at all.
Usually, disruption is not a serious enough problem to merit restricting fundamental rights. In this case, though, the court seems to think it's more like someone coming into my private home and screaming at me about alligators in Portuguese, and I agree.
There's a case called "Phelps-Roper v. Strickland" that dealt with law on "unwanted communication". You know, the case being discussed. "Invited" =/= "unwanted".
Do you want a cite too?