People are often troubled when the government and universities solicit confidential or anonymous complaints; the William & Mary Bias Reporting system controversy is the latest example. I think such systems are principle necessary and legitimate, so long as they are properly run. True, there's a risk that they'll be abused, but that's true of most enforcement systems -- the risk alone should not lead us to reject them, though it may lead us to look careful about how they actually operate.
1. Anonymous Speech: To begin with, note the similarity between anonymous speech in public (such as on blogs) and anonymous speech to the government. Requiring that people reveal their identities may deter them from saying things that will open them to retaliation. Allowing anonymous speech will diminish this "chilling effect." It will encourage people to blow the whistle on what they see as misconduct, whether they're revealing (a) government misconduct to the public, (b) nongovernment misconduct (say, by their corporate employers) to the public, (c) government officials' misconduct to the government (for instance, if they are complaining about alleged misbehavior or poor performance by their public university professors), or (d) nongovernment actors' misconduct to the government.
At the same time, anonymity encourages falsehoods as well as accurate whistleblowing. This is why we as readers should be extra cautious about charges levied by anonymous speakers (though we should be cautious about charges levied by named speakers, too). Likewise, government officials should be extra cautious about charges levied by anonymous complainers.
2. Confidential Speech: The William & Mary system seems to be encouraging confidential complaints -- which is to say complaints for which the complainers' identity will be shielded from the target, and even from many of the investigators -- rather than purely anonymous complaints. (Of course, one can always submit even purely anonymous complaints to any agency, and William & Mary seems likely to consider them; but its system, which requires a William & Mary user name and password, is intended to solicit confidential complaints, not anonymous ones.)
The effects, both good and bad, of confidential speech seem likely to be moderate versions of the effects of anonymous speech: The system encourages both accurate and false complaints more than a your-name-will-be-revealed system but less than a purely anonymous system. (The system could discourage false complaints more if William & Mary takes aggressive steps to investigate whether a complaint is not just unproven or mistaken but a deliberate lie, punishes the liars, and publicizes such actions; but I doubt that William & Mary is likely to do this. Unfortunately, such a system would also discourage true complaints to some extent, though if the system is trusted, it will discourage false complaints more than true ones.)
3. Anonymous/Confidential Speech Systems in Practice: Because of this, many institutions routinely rely on anonymous or confidential evaluations. Most universities, for instance, have student evaluations be anonymous. Likewise, most universities assure outside tenure reviewers that their names will be kept confidential from the person being reviewed, and while this assurance isn't ironclad -- there's always the risk of leakage, and of the rare subpoena.
Naturally, the anonymous evaluations are treated with some extra skepticism because of their anonymity. But the sense is that the university will get far fewer accurate criticisms of the professor if the students knew that their names will be revealed; and the risk of some extra inaccurate criticisms is seen as being worth running, especially given that the anonymous evaluations are read skeptically.
A few states, by the way, expressly require by statute that evaluations of government employees not be based on anonymous criticisms, and thus require that students sign the evaluations. I don't know of any empirical comparisons between such systems and the anonymous evaluation systems. Still, my tentative sense is that the anonymous evaluation systems are better, despite the slightly higher risk of unfairness to the person being evaluated. What do you think?
And note that these confidential and anonymous evaluations are directly used in deciding whether certain employees are to be promoted, hired, or even dismissed. My sense is that confidential and anonymous complaints are even more commonly used when it comes to looking into something, and seeking tangible or nonconfidential evidence.
4. Investigating Based on Anonymous/Confidential Speech: Let me elaborate a bit more on this, and bring in point 1 above. Say that someone e-mails you some anonymous allegation about a politician. You'd often be reluctant to believe the allegation, and act (even if it just means publicizing the allegation with your endorsement) without further investigation. But you'd often be quite willing to start that investigation based on the anonymous allegation, since you expect that the anonymous and possibly unreliable tip may lead you to uncover highly credible evidence.
The same is true, I think, with regard to anonymous (and especially nonanonymous but confidential) complaints about an employee or patron of your establishment. If you run a restaurant, and a patron tells you that a waiter has insulted him but insists that his name be kept confidential (maybe he's afraid the waiter will beat him up, or spit in his food if the patron visits again), what would you do? Would you tell the patron that due process prohibits your taking the complaint?
I take it you wouldn't; you probably wouldn't fire the waiter on the spot (unless you've heard a lot of such complaints, and have little cause to think they're part of a general campaign to unfairly malign the waiter), but you might watch the waiter more closely, or ask the waiter's colleagues if they'd heard the waiter insulting this customer or others. The university context is not quite the same as this, for various reasons; but in both situations, the employer may be acting wisely -- and properly -- in paying attention to confidential or anonymous complaints, and even in encouraging them.
The same, of course, is true of law enforcement. The police naturally prefer nonanonymous and nonconfidential complaints. But in many situations, the complainants are naturally worried about retaliation. To minimize the chilling effect on valuable speech (here, complaints to the police about likely criminals), the police should, to the extent possible, allow anonymous and confidential complaints. They generally shouldn't be admissible evidence at trial; but they can be useful tools for tracking down evidence that is admissible.
5. Severity: Finally, some commenters tried to distinguish systems for encouraging anonymous or confidential reports of possible terrorist planning, or even of street crime, on the grounds that those are serious crimes that justify such measures.
But the crimes also lead to severe penalties, and can involve extremely intrusive investigations. So while the upside of allowing anonymous or confidential complaints as to such crimes (the encouragement of accurate complaints) is greater than the upside of allowing such complaints as to "bias incidents" on campus, the downside (the encouragement of false complaints) is greater, too.
6. The Bottom Line: So, as I've said, the William & Mary policy should be faulted to the extent that it seems to allow the punishment of protected speech. Even to the extent that it aims to punish unprotected attacks, vandalism, or threats, it should generally reject the use of anonymous or confidential evidence in the actual quasi-judicial disciplinary proceeding. And campus authorities should be especially skeptical about anonymous or confidential complaints. But such complaints are a legitimate, and often necessary, part of enforcing campus rules -- or for that matter criminal laws -- just as anonymous speech is a legitimate, and often necessary, means of promoting public debate and whistleblowing.
Related Posts (on one page):
- Confidential and Anonymous Speech / Confidential and Anonymous Complaints:
- A Bit More on the William & Mary Speech Code:
- Anonymous Complaints:
A lengthy and prolonged investigation based on speech can itself violate the First Amendment. White v. Lee, 227 F.3d 1214 (9th Cir. 2000) (fair housing investigation based on protected speech violated the 1st amendment; accord A.H.D.C. v. City of Fresno (9th Cir.) (fair-housing lawsuit based on speech violated first amendment); Pfizer v. Giles (3d Cir. 1994) (lawsuit based on protected association violated 1st amendment).
Allowing anonymous allegations based on speech, when such allegations are thereby encouraged and thus put (conservative campus) dissidents under a prolonged cloud, therefore might violate the 1st Amendment even if allowing anonymous complaints for non-speech-related offenses would not violate any constitutional provision.
Note also that William &Mary's underlying bias policy violates the First Amendment under Iota Xi Chapter of Sigma Chi Fraternity v. George Mason University, 993 F.2d 386 (4th Cir. 1993) (racist, sexist skit was protected speech even though university claimed it fostered a "hostile and distracting learning environment").
By contrast, note that while actual discipline based solely on an allegation whose maker's identity is withheld from the accused could violate the due process clause even in a non-speech related case, the mere triggering of an investigation in a non-speech related case by an anonymous allegation might not violate due process, if independent evidence from other non-anonymous sources supported any ultimate discipline.
1. The claim is that certain speech should itself lead to discipline, and the speech, as alleged, is constitutionally protected. "I allege that X said he despises fundamentalist Christians, such as Y [the leader of the local evangelical Christian organization]." "OK, we'll start an investigation." I agree that such speech should be protected, and the investigation should therefore be futile (though I'm not sure that the investigation alone is therefore unconstitutional).
2. The claim is that certain speech is evidence of something unprotected, though the speech on its face, as alleged, is constitutionally protected. "I heard X saying 'I hate kikes'; I wonder whether he might be the one who vandalized the local synagogue." "OK, we'll investigate whether X may have vandalized the local synagogue." Is your claim that this too should be unconstitutional?
3. The claim is that certain speech is unprotected, though there are uncertainties about the content or context of the speech that affect whether it's protected. "I heard X saying 'You Campus Republicans are a bunch of thugs, and one day you'll get a taste of your own medicine.'" "OK, we'll investigate whether in context this is a punishable threat of violence." Is your claim that this should be unconstitutional?
It seems to me that the First Amendment places added limits on prolonged or unduly burdensome investigations based on speech, but I am not sure exactly what the boundaries of those limits are.
I would distinguish only where there's an anonymous tip-off that leads to the discovery of sufficient evidence that the anonymous source's "testimony" isn't even part of the case.
Risk? Slam Dunk certainty. Most colleges run Kangaroo courts (insult to kangaroos, more like Alice in Wonderland) with out even a shred of due process. Giving them anonymous complaints is like giving oxycontin to a drug addict.
If there are social consequences for reporting, potential complainants may use more discretion in deciding whether to report something that technically violates a school policy but which is mostly harmless.
It's an unaviodable fact that an enforcement system that allows potentially costly investigations to procede on the basis of anonymous reporting gives power to those who operate it.
When evaluating the risk of abuse, one needs to look not only at the enforcement system but at those who will be operating it. If the people or institutions involved have good a record of ethical and responsible behavior and have good internal controls the risk of giving them is probably worth the benefit.
If the people who will be operating the system have a preexisting reputation for rushing to judgement, ignoring due process, favoritism, arrogance, stupidity, bias, and valueing PR over truth or justice, the risk of giving them added power is probably not worth the benefit.
I'd say university faculty and administrators fall into the second group.
Additionally, an investigation can be used to harass, and there is often no recourse or compensation for the harassment of an unfounded investigation.
So the three protections which seem necessary when using confidential or anonymous informants would be:
1) The "crimes" for which anonymous or confidential information is being solicited really are criminal, and not protected activity.
2) Anonymous or confidential information may not be used as evidence at trial (or hearing).
3) Anonymous or confidential information is treated with sufficient skepticism that it cannot be misused to harass the subjects of investigations.
It's one thing to make an avenue available for submitting anonymous or confidential complaints of significant wrong-doing, such as threats of violence or sexual harassment. But it's something else entirely to solicit such complaints regarding vague "offenses" like "being intolerant" or harboring "improper" sexual/racial/gender/religious thoughts. The exceedingly vague nature of the "offenses," particularly in light of the absence of any requirement (in the advertisement for complaints) that any person have suffered any harm (beyond merely being offended) by the person against whom the complaint is registered, will thus exert an extreme chilling effect on speech.
We all know, from having watched similar scenes unfold in the news, that once someone is identified as suspect or "of interest" to any sort of authorities, their life becomes less pleasant, in many ways. From negative public attention to incurring significant legal fees, there are strong incentives to do everything possible to avoid coming to the negative attention of the authorities in whatever particular institution (school, office, government, etc.) you are a part of.
By all means, make available a mechanism for anonymous or confidential complaints about actual offenses which actually harm someone. But don't promote them for offenses which are merely that... offensive to some other individuals point of view.
Radley Balko has reported some recent examples of extreme police actions on anonymous tips:They killed the guy they raided.
Another:
More recently:
Too often I think, police reactions to anonymous tips are not even close to rational. Sometimes when that happens, innocent people die.
We should also consider imposing a workman's comp-like system for wrongful searches, regardless of whether they were legal or not. In other words, you search a house and injure the occupants or their property, and don't find what you're looking for in the warrant, then the police have to pay a set fee schedule, period, regardless of "fault." Whether the SWAT team member shot the innocent man on purpose or because he "tripped," there must be a hefty payout, which must come out of the police budget (through a risk pool or insurance of some sort, ultimately). This gives the police hierarchy a financial incentive to reduce the number of such raids and use them only when truly justified.
The problem is that when the agency does go off the reservation, and FIRE and its friends come to the rescue, there is no instigator to be identified who is to blame for the miscarriage of justice, except the agency itself. Maybe that's enough.
But it remains the fact that the problem will lie in enforcement policy much more than in whether some tipster is anonymous or not.
The reason? He speculated publicly that African populations might, on average, have lower cognitive function than European populations.
This is not as bad as Lavoisier (the founder of the science of chemistry) being guillotined during the French revolution, but it shows that it is impossible to even speculate on certain matters in academia without fear of reprisal.
Do we really think that an anonymous reporting system is likely to be used responsibly under the Wm. &Mary circumstances? And who should get the benefit of doubt?
Carol Christian: Judy, your religion is passe. If you don't accept Jesus as your personal savior you'll go to hell, and I'll get to watch you suffer from my balcony in heaven.
Judith Jew: I really hate the way you Christians have been persecuting us for the last two millenia.
Maybe I'm mistaken, but this seems to violate the W&M speech code. Do you agree? Should these students really be punished for this? Do we really want to encourage confidential reporting of stuff like this?
He was not "speculating in academia." He was making ill-founded general observations in the public press. Precisely because of his august reputation, he has a greater responsibility than most to speak cautiously, based only on actual science. Had he been crucified for a research paper published in a scholarly journal, I would defend scientific inquiry. But he wasn't doing that, and it was appropriate to loudly criticize him for it.
Judy is evidently a reader of Tertullian, or at least of the passage quoted from him by Nietzsche in the Genealogy of Morals. "More pleasing than the racetrack and the circus," thought Tertullian of contemplating the tortures of the damned.
(Note towards my forthcoming essay, "Christofascism - A Religion of Hate." Not.)
John McCall wrote at 10.29.2007 4:06pm:
I intended to point out examples where anonymous tips have led to horrifically bad results, possibly the results the tippers desired. Anonymous tips compound the problem of overuse of paramilitary tactics.
Police apparently are free to engage paramilitary tactics based on anonymous tips with virtually no further investigation. In such an environment, anonymous tips themselves become dangerous weapons. Bad faith tippers likely are aware of that, and may rely on it.
Part of reining in police paramilitary tactics is making ironclad law that no such action can be based primarily on an anonymous tip, with severe criminal penalties for police or other officials who violate it.
Check out the link above, and see if you can find any actual wrongdoing [I know nothing of this person, I only the putative 'crimes' she is accused of committing - by anonymous underlings who have already gone ballistic when a redacted report was issued; they're very afraid that someone might figure out who they are].
This is the same kind of character assassination that will result if this Big Brother approach is implemented at W&M. Where is it written when an accused may face his/her accuser? After the damage to their professional reputation has been accomplished?
We tend to read anonymous complaints with a great degree of skepticism because the accuser cannot be cross examined or suffer any consequence for false reporting. Confidential complaints are subject to the filtering bias of the investigating agency. They might even be more dangerous than anonymous information because of the perceived credibility the investigating agency might give to information they swear has been checked out. If it seems that the investigator was duped by the confidential informant, then the investigator has a personal motivation to keep the falsehood under wraps lest they themselves appear foolish.
If I may paraphrase your comment, you believe that someone can make a case for a theory but cannot reflect on it’s practical application if it breaks a cultural taboo?
Given the terrible history in this country, and around the world, with racism, and with the false pseudo-science which has in the past been used to justify racism, I do think that scientists such as Watson have a special responsibility to not make public statements like that without STRONG scientific evidence to support them.
(1) If you take a look at the W&M fax form for reporting bias, you will observe that it allows for totally anonymous denunciations in which the accuser is completely unidentified. It is unclear whether or not the on-line form forwards the reporter's ID to the College's administration or whether the userid/password is simply a matter of access control.
(2) W&M is currently considering a revision and expansion of the rules governing its faculty that is germane to this topic. (You can find the proposed changes by following the Reports &Resolutions link off of http://www.wm.edu/facultyassembly.) The changes constitute an expansion and modification of the current rules governing sexual harassment to the more general issue of bias that is under discussion here.
Here is a brief summary. Once an administrative officer has decided that the reported actions would constitute bias, if substantiated, then:
(i) An accuser can choose to remain completely unknown to to the accused, even to the point that the accused is not even made aware of the complaint. In this case a record of the complaint is filed but no further action is taken.
(ii) An accuser can choose to remain anonymous but allow the accused to be informed of the complaint. In this case the accused is allowed to file a response. If the accused wish to remain anonymous at this point, no further action is taken other than a record of the complaint.
(iii) If the accuser is willing to disclose their identity, then the fur starts to fly. In this case any previous charges of discriminatory behavior (anonymous or not) can, with the permission of the Provost, be released to the people investigating and trying the accused faculty member. (Presumably this is prima facie evidence of a pattern of behavior?)
Except for the last bit about releasing previous accusations, these proposed changes are comparable to the existing procedures concerning sexual harassment. I would be curious to know the extent to which the current procedures are shaped by case law on sexual harassment, and whether such law forms a sound basis for W&M's treatment of its more nebulous question of "bias". (I ask in perfect ignorance.)
(3) In the current policy in the W&M faculty handbook governing faculty and sexual harassment it is expressly stated that the accuser has the burden of providing proof of the alleged harassment (at least at the initial report). This language is absent in the proposed revision and extension to bias. Again, is there any legal significance to this?
(4) I again appeal to the lawyers (an alarming notion!!): Faculty are employees, on the one hand, but W&M is also a state university. What bearing, if any, does this have on the discussion? E.g., at what point do the rights of the Commonwealth of Virginia as an employer stop, and First Amendment protections begin? (My apologies if this is well-trodden ground in connection with speech codes for employees.)
(5) Finally, it is unclear how the new bias reporting system
affects students who, as I understand, enjoy much broader
First Amendment protections at public universities.
At which point the completely anonymous reports you were previously totally unawaure of are transmitted to the people you work with every day who will sit on tenure review committee someday, and very possibly leaked to the press. At this point the Provost becomes a dictator, with unchecked power to smear.
I never said that someone was impinging on Watson's opportunity to conduct scientific studies. though if he applied for a grant to study the genetics of cognitive ability, I wonder how his institution would react. I understand that the study of cognitive idfferences is something of a third rail in academia.
Given the terrible history in this country, and around the world, with racism, and with the false pseudo-science which has in the past been used to justify racism, I do think that scientists such as Watson have a special responsibility to not make public statements like that without STRONG scientific evidence to support them.
Does that mean that scientist who engage in such speculation should lose thier jobs? Does it matter whether they are scientific or adminstrative jobs?
Judging from my undergraduate days, it is the sort of exchange that might take place among undergraduates late at night the week before finals by people saner and less malignant than Tertullian. Should they be disciplined?
BTW, When I was a freshman, an obsessive anit-Semite who lived on the floor went down the hall with a tape measoure demanding to measure everyone's nose. It was some sort of rough and ready anthropological study. I don't think that showed great character on his part, but I wouldn't discipline him for it.
Are the mentally ill?
WRT anonymous complaints:
Would the admin contact the supposed perp and tell him that there are complaints against him, no action is proposed "at this time", but he'd better watch his step?
Can anybody say, with a straight face, that nobody has thought of that as a useful tool?
The don't need counseling.
And they certainly don't need to be subjects of anonymous complaints. Especially if their statements are agaisnt the rules. The school should basically leave them alone to work out their issues with people who are not like them. There is no reason to believe that one will poison the other, steal the other's class notes, or do something else that reasonably would be actinable by the school.
Yes. Depending on the particular circumstances, they should lose their jobs. No, it doesn't matter what their particular job is.
There are many people still alive today who have personal memories of legally segregated water fountains and of wide-spread hostility and violence towards a large group of people because of their skin color / race. The examples of "scientific" efforts to justify racism extended into quite recent times, based on Stephen Jay Gould's book, Ever Since Darwin.
Scientists should not avoid studying certain subjects just because they are unpopular, but if they undertake to make very public comments on something like racial characteristics, then they certainly should face social consequences if what they say is not backed up by very solid science.
The cognitive functioning of Africans is the same as ours because that's good. The cognitive functioning of Asians is better than whites' because that's better and not a bad thing.
That the cognitive functioning of Africans might be worse than whites' or Asians' is not allowed. Not that it isn't true. But not allowed. Data showing it's the same as other races' is lacking, while data showing it's not as good is all there is.
But, I suppose the question is, how do we get money to do solid science when it has the possibility of destroying our faith?
The equality of cross-racial cognitive functioning is a matter of faith and there aren't many people who are going to look carefully at it for fear of what they might find.
I hope it's equal. Controlling for pre-and-post natal nutrition deficits would be a big step in the data.
But I don't KNOW it's equal.
Nobody's proved it, probably from fear that the attempt might backfire.
First let me respond to PatHMV. The anti-scientific bias in your position is literally staggering. You actually sound like a medieval cleric defending the position of an earth centric universe because to their minds, the mere discussion of another system would destroy the Christian faith. Truly staggering and truly monstrous for the modern age.
Second, I have no idea if Watson has any scientific basis for his statement, and it appears that no one on this thread has either. He may have been talking from some personal racial prejudice or he may have been talking from some study he has conducted. I don’t know which it is. But the rabid desire to shut off the debate on this subject reveals a more pernicious issue. It is that there is a belief – not just among the usual suspects but also among the Liberal and oh-so unbiased community that there may be differences in cognitive abilities among the races. That would explain the death grip that Liberals have on affirmative action via lower entrance exams to universities, the elimination of certain math tests in communities for new hires to police departments, and other similar demands.
One politician has stated it in a kinder, gentler way: it’s the soft bigotry of low expectations. The expectations people have for children or adults who are not quite … what?
Of course, Aubrey, it’s perfectly fine for another racial group to score, on the whole, higher than Caucasians. But it’s not OK for some group to score lower. Which brings us to the dilemma. If Asians are – on the whole – smarter than Caucasians but Africans are – by definition - just as smart as Caucasians can we draw any conclusions about whether Asians are smarter than Africans? Or is that also not allowed?
You use too much logic. A group can be better than another group. But no group can be worse than another group.
Get the difference?
Oh, yeah. And it gets more complicated when more than Asians and Whites are involved.
That's why writing a grant app for a study in the area could be difficult.
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